Перевод: со словенского на английский

с английского на словенский

on this evidence

  • 1 esetь

    esetь Grammatical information: f. i Proto-Slavic meaning: `rack for drying grain'
    Page in Trubačev: -
    Russian:
    osét' `granary, rack for drying grain' [f i]
    Belorussian:
    (v)ósec' (W.), aséc' (W.) `granary, drying shed' [f i];
    osëtka (dial.) `granary', asëtka (dial.) `spot in granary for drying sheafs' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    ósit' (dial.) `granary' [f i]
    Polish:
    jesieć (dial.) `grain sieve' [f i];
    osieć (E. dial.) `granary' [f i];
    jesiótka (dial.) `grain sieve' [f ā];
    osiótka (W dial.) `granary' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eś-et-i-
    Lithuanian:
    akė́čios `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1;
    ekė́čios (dial.) `harrow' [Nompf ā] 1 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    ecê(k)šas `harrow' [Nompf ā]
    Old Prussian:
    aketes `harrow'
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂oḱ-et-i-
    IE meaning: harrow
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: This is another case where we find Balto-Slavic evidence for *e- corresponding to *a- or *o- in other branches of Indo-European (Rozwadowski's change). Toporov regards the k of the Baltic forms as evidence for a western technological borrowing (I: 67). Since the Baltic and Germanic forms mean exactly the same, while the Slavic forms are semantically more remote, this is a serious option.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὀξίνα (Hes.) `an agricultural implement with iron teeth, drawn by oxen' [f];
    Lat. occa `harrow' [f];
    OHG egida `harrow' [f];
    OE eg(e)ʮe `harrow' [f];
    OW ocet `harrow' [f];
    Fi. äës `harrow'
    Notes:
    \{1\} The Standard Lithuanian form with a- may stem from the territory where the development e- > a- occurred. In any case, the attestations of the form with e- (see the LKŽ, s.v.) indicate that there are Lithuanian forms completely matching Latv. ecêšas.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > esetь

  • 2 badli

    badli Grammatical information: m. ī Proto-Slavic meaning: `enchanter, healer, physician'
    Page in Trubačev: I 150
    Old Church Slavic:
    balii `physician' [m iā];
    bali (Cloz.) `physician' [m iā] \{1\}
    Church Slavic:
    bali (OSln.: FrD) `healer, Saviour' [m iā]
    Old Russian:
    balii `physician, enchanter' [m iā];
    balija `physician, enchanter' [m iā]
    Indo-European reconstruction: bʰeh₂-dʰl-
    IE meaning: enchanter
    Page in Pokorny: 105
    Comments: There is no direct evidence for a suffix *dʰl-ьji-, but the form bali from the Freising Fragments could be regarded as counter-evidence, as dl is regularly retained in this dialect, cf. modliti. It is not impossible, however, that bali is of Church Slavic origin. Trubačëv bases his reconstructions *badlьji and *badlovati chiefly on derivatives of the type of OCz. předlí `spinster', švadlí `needlewoman'. According to the ESSJa (I 137-138), further evidence for a suffix *-dʰl- is provided by SCr. bȁjalo m. `sorcerer', Ru. dial. bájala m.f. `talker, chatterer, story-teller', which may be transformations of *badlьji. Meillet's idea (1902-1905: I 417) that * bali is based on a derivative in -l- deserves consideration.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Cf. balovanije `treatment', balьstvo `cure, medicine'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > badli

  • 3 cě̄và

    cě̄và Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `shin-bone, tube, bobbin, spool'
    Page in Trubačev: III 190-191
    Russian:
    cévka `bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone' [f ā];
    kévka (Arx., Psk.) `bobbin, spool, (esp. hollow) bone, (dial.) shin-bone' [f ā] \{1\}
    Czech:
    céva `vein' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    cěva `tube, spool' [f ā];
    cieva `tube, spool' [f ā];
    cievka `small tube' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    cieva `tube, vein' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    cywa `spool, reed' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    Čak. cȋva (Vrgada) `bobbin, spool' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    cẹ̑vka `bobbin, spool' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: koi-u-aʔ; ḱoi-u-aʔ
    Lithuanian:
    šaivà `spool' [f ā] 4;
    šeivà `spool, forearm, shin(-bone)' [f ā] 2/4
    Latvian:
    saĩva `bobbin' [f ā];
    saĩve `bobbin' [f ē] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: koi-u-
    Page in Pokorny: 919-920
    Comments: Apparently, the Baltic evidence points to *ḱ-, while Slavic hapoints to *k, while *c- < *k- as a result of the second palatalization. The plain velar must have originated in root variants with an s mobile.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. aṣṭhīvá(nt)- `shin'
    \{3\};
    Est. kääv `spool';
    OHG scina `shin' [f];
    OE scīa `shin'
    Notes:
    \{1\} North Russian attestations of this root showing initial k- are presented in Nikolaev 1988: 142-143. \{2\} Much better attested are sàiva2, saîva2, sàive2 and saîve2. \{3\} This may be a compound containing ast- and cīu̯a- (see Lubotsky 2002).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > cě̄và

  • 4 dǫ̀ti

    dǫ̀ti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `blow'
    Page in Trubačev: V 99-100
    Old Church Slavic:
    dъmy (Supr.) `blowing' [m pprsa];
    dъměše sę (Supr.) `swelled' [3sgimpf]
    Russian:
    dut' `blow' [verb], dúju [1sg] \{1\}
    Old Russian:
    duti `blow' [verb], dъmu [1sg]
    Czech:
    douti `blow' [verb], dmu [1sg]
    Polish:
    dąć `blow' [verb], dmę [1sg]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȕti `blow, inflate' [verb], dmēm [1sg], dȕjēm [1sg]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: domʔtei; dumʔtei
    Lithuanian:
    dùmti `blow' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: dʰ(o)mH-
    Page in Pokorny: 247
    Other cognates:
    Skt. dhámati `blow' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} This verb may theoretically belong to *duti, but the Old Russian evidence renders this unlikely.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dǫ̀ti

  • 5 mьglà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьglà

  • 6 mьgà

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mьgà

  • 7 miglъ

    mьglà; mьgà; miglъ Grammatical information: f. ā; f. ā; m. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `mist, haze'
    Page in Trubačev: XXI 92-94
    Old Church Slavic:
    mьgla (Ps. Sin. MS 2/N) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Russian:
    mglá `mist, haze, darkness' [f ā];
    mga `dense mist, drizzle, haze in times of drought' [f ā]
    Czech:
    mlha `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mha (poet.) `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mhla (obs., dial.) `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Old Czech:
    mhla `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Polish:
    mgɫa `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mihel `wet mist, drizzle' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    màgla `mist, haze' [f ā], mȁglu [Accs];
    Čak. maglȁ (Novi) `mist, haze' [f ā], maglȕ [Accs], mȁglu;
    Kajk. mīēglȍ (Bednja) `mist, haze' [f ā], mīēglȕ [Accs] \{1\};
    mǝgà (dial.) `drizzle' [f ā]
    Slovene:
    mǝglà `mist, haze' [f ā], mglè [Gens], mglę̑ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    măglá `mist, haze' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: migláH
    Lithuanian:
    miglà `mist, haze' [f ā] 2/4;
    miẽgas `sleep' [m o] 2;
    mìgti `sleep, fall asleep' [verb]
    Latvian:
    migla `mist, haze' [f ā];
    mìegs `sleep' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    maiggun `sleep' [asgf]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₃migʰ-leh₂
    IE meaning: mist, cloud
    Page in Pokorny: 712
    Comments: I agree with Mayrhofer (EWAia s.v. meghá-) that we must in principle distinguish PIE. *h₃meiǵʰ- and *h₃meigʰ- (cf. Kern 1894: 106). The former root is present in Lith. mỹžti, Latv. mìzt `urinate', and is, in my opinion, sparsely attested in Slavic. On account of their semantic similarity, the above-mentioned Slavic verbs meaning `to drizzle' are sometimes connected with mỹžti etc. I think that the Slavic etyma listed above show that verbs like *mьžiti are best grouped together with *mьglà. A more complicated issue is the relationship between words meaning `mist, drizzle' (*meigʰ- B `dunkel vor den Augen werden, Nebel, Wolke' in Pokorny) and words meaning `blink, twinkle' (*meigʰ- A `flimmern, blinzeln, micāre'), which I discuss s.v. mȋgъ. Since there is no obvious semantic link between these groups, Trubačëv basically tries to keep them apart, e.g. *mьžiti I `blink, twinkle' vs. *mьžiti II `drizzle' (but Ru.(dial.) mža `doze; drizzle; said about smth. which vanished rapidly' without further distinctions). It is not entirely clear how the meanings `doze, drowsiness' and `swarm (with) `fit in. LSrb. migoriś se `move to and fro, swarm with; drizzle' (Schuster-Šewc 907) is matched by MoDu. (dial.) miggelen (miegelen) `drizzle; swarm with'. Ru.(dial.) mžit' `doze, be delirious' is mentioned by Trubačëv s.v. *mьžiti I, but a connection with *mьžiti I cannot be excluded, cf. SCr. míždati `drizzle, doze', MoHG drisseln `drizzle, doze', drusen `doze', drussig `clouded', Lith. blañdas `sleepiness; cloudiness' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 59). Discussing the origin of the meaning `doze' is essentially the same as establishing the semantic connection between Slavic *mьg- and Lith. miẽgas `sleep', mìgt `sleep, fall asleep', miegóti `sleep' etc. Fraenkel (I 447) considers the meaning of miegóti to have evolved from `close one's eyes' (cf. Kern 1894: 109). This seems plausible indeed. On the other hand, there are parallels for a connection between `sleep' and `cloud', e.g. Av. snaođa- `cloud' vs. Lith. snáusti `doze' or OIr. nél `cloud; swoon, faintness, stupor' (cf. Merkulova 1975: 58-59). As long as there is no evidence for a formal distinction between the roots of *mьglà and *mȋgъ, I think that we must depart from a single root h₃meigʰ-.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. meghá- (RV) `cloud, gloomy weather'
    ;
    Skt. míh- (RV, TS) `haze, rain' [f];
    Gk. ὀμίχλη `mist, haze' [f];
    Av. maēɣa- `cloud'
    ;
    Arm. mēg `mist';
    MoDu. miggelen `drizzle, swarm (with)' [verb] \{2\} \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Illič-Svityč lists a number of SCr. dialect forms which point to AP (b) (1963: 40). The standard language has secondary mobility in this word. \{2\} It cannot be excluded that miggelen is cognate with MDu. miegen `urinate'.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > miglъ

  • 8 debelъ

    debelъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `fat'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 201-202
    Church Slavic:
    debelyj (RuCS) `fat' [adj o]
    Russian:
    debélyj `plump, corpulent' [adj o];
    debëlyj (dial.) `healthy, strong, plump, corpulent' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dèbeo `fat' [adj o];
    Čak. dȅbē (Vrgada) `fat' [adj o], debelà̀ [Nomsf]
    Slovene:
    débeɫ `fat, big, strong' [adj o], debę́la [Nomsf]
    Bulgarian:
    debél `fat, strong' [adj o]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deb-
    Latvian:
    depsis `small, fat boy'
    Old Prussian:
    debīkan `big' [Accs];
    debica (Gr.) `big' [adj]
    Certainty: -
    Comments: Formally, the Balto-Slavic and the Germanic forms do not match, considering that in the case of PIE *b the Balto-Slavic evidence would violate Winter's law. It is by no means necessary, however, to assume that this etymon is of Indo-European origin.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. dapr `sad' [adj];
    Nw. daper `sad, with young' [adj];
    Nw. (dial.) dabb(e) `small, fat fellow'
    ;
    OHG tapfar `firm, heavy, thick-set' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > debelъ

  • 9 dikъ

    dikъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `wild'
    Page in Trubačev: V 29-30
    Church Slavic:
    dikyi (RuCS) `wild, rude' [adj o]
    Russian:
    díkij `wild' [adj o], diká [Nomsf], díko [Nomsn]
    Old Russian:
    dikyi `wild' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    diký (Kott) `wild' [adj o]
    Polish:
    dziki `wild' [adj o]
    Upper Sorbian:
    dźiki `wild' [adj o]
    Lithuanian:
    dỹkas `empty, idle, for free, vacant' [adj o] 4
    Latvian:
    dīks `empty, idle, inactive' [adj o] \{1\}
    Comments: Perhaps cognate with Skt. dayi `fly (of birds, chariots, horses, gods)'. In view of the evidence for circumflex long i, the East Baltic forms, may be borrowings from Slavic, but the semantic difference (for which cf. Du. woest `desolate' -> `uncultivated, rough, wild') is conspicuous. Note that East Latv. dìeks2, if correctly interpreted, may reflect * deik-.
    Notes:
    \{1\} Both dîks2 and dìks2 are attested. In principle this combination points to dìks. In East Latvian, there are also forms reflecting dìeks2.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dikъ

  • 10 dura

    dura Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `hole'
    Page in Trubačev: V 160
    Belorussian:
    dzjurá `hole' [f ā]
    Ukrainian:
    djúra `hole' [f ā]
    Czech:
    d'oura (Jungmann) `hole' [f ā];
    d'úra (E. Mor. dial.) `hole' [f ā];
    džura (Sil.) `hole' [f ā]
    Polish:
    dziura `hole' [f ā];
    dura (dial.) `hole' [f ā]
    Old Polish:
    dura `hole' [f ā];
    dzióra < dziora> `hole' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    ʒu̇̂ră `hole' [f ā]
    Page in Pokorny: 206
    Comments: West Slavic cognate of * dyra (the Ukr. and Bel. forms are borrowings from Polish). According to Sɫawski (SEJP I: 208-209), there is evidence for a Polish form dzióra. This form may derive from OPl. drać, 1sg. dziorę, or may continue an older noun * dora from the same root, which was then influenced by the Polish verb (similarly Baudouin de Courtenay apud Berneker 1899: 150 fn.).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dura

  • 11 elьcь

    elьcь Grammatical information: m. jo Proto-Slavic meaning: `dace'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 22-23
    Russian:
    eléc `dace' [m jo], el'cá [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    jaléc' `bleak' [m jo]
    Czech:
    jelec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    jalec `dace, chub' [m jo]
    Polish:
    jelec `dace' [m jo]
    Kashubian:
    i̯el `a fish' [m jo??]
    Lower Sorbian:
    jalc `dace' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jálac `dace' [m jo];
    jal (dial.) `ide' [m o??]
    Indo-European reconstruction: eliko-
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-304
    Comments: As Trubačëv observes (VI: 305), the semantics of Pokorny's root *el- are capacious and complex. In my opinion, there is little evidence for a root *el- `light-coloured'. It is tempting to seek a connection between *jelьcь and OHG alunt `ide'. Pokorny identifies what is presumedly the root of the latter word with the first element of *albʰo- `white' and links it to *el-. Since the fish-names under discussion refer to shining, whitish species, this is semantically unproblematic. Nevertheless, it seems quite possible that the root *al/el (Slavic *el as a result of Rozwadowski's change?) originates from a substratum language.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьcь

  • 12 jūxà

    jūxà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `broth, soup'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 193
    Church Slavic:
    juxa `broth' [f ā]
    Russian:
    uxá `fish-soup' [f ā], uxú [Accs] \{1\}
    Czech:
    jícha `liquid, sauce, (arch.) soup' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    jucha `cabbage soup' [f ā]
    Polish:
    jucha `bull's blood, soup, sauce, juice' [f ā]
    Slovincian:
    ju̇̂ẋa `soup' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    júha (dial.) `soup, broth' [f ā];
    Čak. jūhȁ (Vrgada) `soup, broth' [f ā] \{2\};
    Čak. jūhȁ (Novi) `soup, broth' [f ā];
    Čak. jūhȁ (Orbanići) `soup' [f ā], jȗho [Accs]
    Slovene:
    júha `soup' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    jū́šė `broth, soup' [f ā] 1
    Old Prussian:
    juse `soup' [f]
    Comments: The fact that all in all the accentological evidence points to AP (b) is problematic in view of the laryngeal reflected by forms from other branches. If the root is identical with Skt. yu- `unite, attach, bind', we may reconstruct * ieu- alongside * ieuH, cf. Lith. jáuti, jaũti. In any case, Slavic has full grade, * ieu(H)-s- or * iou(H)-s-, against zero grade in Baltic.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. yū́ṣ- (RV+) `broth' [n];
    Lat. iūs `broth' [n]
    Notes:
    \{1\} AP (b) is also attested in Old Russian (Zaliznjak 1985: 135). \{2\} According to Jurišić, this form is a recent designation of čõrba.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > jūxà

  • 13 mělь

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělь

  • 14 mělъ

    mělь; mělъ Grammatical information: f. i; m. o
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 162-168
    Old Church Slavic:
    měla (Supr.) `lime' [Gensm o]
    Russian:
    mel' `sand-bank, shoal' [f i];
    mel `chalk' [m o]
    Czech:
    měl (SSJČ) `spit' [f i];
    měl (Jungmann) `pebble, dust, shoal' [f i];
    měl (Kott) `loose earth, powder, pebble' [f i]
    Old Czech:
    měl `shoal, sand-bank, fodder' [m i]
    Polish:
    miaɫ, mieɫ (dial.) `dust, chalk, muddy water, fine powder' [m o]
    Old Polish:
    miel `sand-bank' [f i];
    miaɫ `finely ground substance' [m o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mẽlj (Čak.), mèlja [Gens] `fine sand' [m jo];
    mél (Čak.), mèla [Gens] `dust, powder' [m o]
    Slovene:
    mẹ̑lj `sand-bank' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: (s)mēl-i-
    Lithuanian:
    smė̃lis `sand' [m io] 2 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    smēlis `fine sand' [m io] \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: mēlH-i-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 717
    Comments: The Baltic and Slavic forms are formally compatible with the root melH- `to grind', the Baltic word showing s mobile. The lengthened grade vowel points to an old root noun. Semantically, this etymology does not seem implausible to me ( pace Stang (l.c.), who, by the way, does not mention any Baltic forms).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. melr (dial.) `sand-bank'
    ;
    Sw. mjåg (dial.) `sand-hill, high riverbank'
    ;
    Sw. smula `chunk'
    ;
    Nw. smola (dial.) `smash' [verb];
    Nw. smol (dial.) `dust'
    \{3\} \{4\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} Also Standard Lithuanian is smėlỹs 4. \{2\} Judging by the Lithuanian evidence, the zero grade of the root was originally acute: smiltis 1/3/4 (LKŽ) `fine sand, gritty earth'. The only non-ambiguous Latvian forms in ME are smìlts and smìltis `sand', however. The most plausible option is that the Latvian falling tone is secondary (cf. Derksen 1996: 147). \{3\} The Scandinavian forms with sm- could derive from the root melH- `grind' preceded by s mobile. OIc. melr and Sw. (dial.) mjåg < *mjalg are mentioned by Stang in connection with Ru. mel' etc. (1972: 36). According to Stang, these words point to *melha- /melga. Therefore the possible etymological relationship with the Slavic forms is limited to the root.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mělъ

  • 15 ȏstь

    ȏstь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c (b?) Proto-Slavic meaning: `sharp point, smth. with a sharp point'
    Russian:
    ost' `awn' [f i]
    Slovak:
    ost' `fishbone, awn, thorn' [f i]
    Polish:
    ość `fishbone, awn, thorn' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    ȍsti `harpoon' [Nompf i];
    ȍstve `harpoon' [Nompf ū];
    Čak. ȍsti (Vrgada) `harpoon' [Nompm i]
    Slovene:
    ǫ̑st `sharp point, fishbone, (pl.) harpoon' [f i], ostȋ [Gens]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: aśtis (akstis??)
    Lithuanian:
    akstìs `spit, thorn, prick' [f i] 4 \{1\}
    Latvian:
    aksts `sharp point' [m o??]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h2eḱ-t-i-
    Page in Pokorny: 18
    Comments: On the basis of Sln. ǫ̑st, Illič-Svityč posits an original AP (b) for this etymon. Furthermore, Skardžius (1941: 330) has akstìs, - ies, which "mixed paradigm" Illič-Svityč (1963:
       57) also regards as evidence for an original barytone accentuation.
    Notes:
    \{1\} The form akštìs is also attested.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ȏstь

  • 16 vědrò

    vědrò Grammatical information: n. o Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `bucket'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vědro (Euch., Supr.) `barrel' [n o]
    Russian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Czech:
    vědro `bucket' [n o]
    Slovak:
    vedro `bucket' [n o]
    Polish:
    wiadro `bucket' [n o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vjèdro `bucket' [n o];
    vijèdro (Montenegro) `bucket' [n o];
    Čak. vȉdro (Vrgada) `bucket' [n o]
    Slovene:
    vẹ́drọ `bucket' [n o]
    Bulgarian:
    vedró `bucket' [n o]
    Lithuanian:
    vė́daras `sausage, (dial.) belly, intestines' [m o] 3a
    Latvian:
    vę̂dars `belly' [m o]
    Old Prussian:
    weders (EV) `belly, stomach'
    Indo-European reconstruction: ued-róm
    Comments: There are basically two etymologies for this noun. According to, among others, Meillet (1902-1905: 407-408) and Vasmer, *vědrò derives from the root of *uod-r/n- `water', cf. Gk. ὑδρία `water-pot, pitcher, vessel'. The other option is to connect the word for `bucket' with forms meaning `belly'. I prefer the latter etymology. In both cases the long vowel of the root can be attributed to Winter's law, which at first sight is incompatible with AP (b). In my framework, however, it is possible to assume that in Proto-Slavic the reflex of the laryngeal was lost in pretonic position (the sequence - dr- prevented the Balto-Slavic retraction of the stress from final open syllables). The remaining problem is the fact that the evidence points almost exclusively to a short root vowel, as words of the aforementioned type as a rule appear to have escaped the pretonic shortening that took place before Dybo's law.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. udára- `belly, womb' [n];
    Gk. ὕδερος
    `dropsy' [m];
    Lat. uterus `lower abdomen, belly, womb'
    Notes:
    \{1\} With unclear -t-.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vědrò

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